“Glasgow English preconsonantal /r/”

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.font200[Glasgow English preconsonantal .ipa[/r/]<br>Abstractions vs. exemplars]

.font120[Kamil Kaźmierski<br>
Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań, Poland]

Accents 2022 Łódź:: December 8-10, 2022

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Photo credit: Rajmund Matuszkiewicz

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# Introduction: Quality of /r/

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# Introduction: Quality of /r/

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# Introduction: Quality of /r/

> The most usual Scottish realizations of .ipa[/r/] are an alveolar tap, .ipa[[ɾ]], and a post-alveolar or retroflex fricative or approximant, .ipa[[ɹ ~ ɻ]]. The first, .ipa[[ɾ]], seems to be particularly associated with the within-word environments [...]; the second, with the environments V\_C and V\_# [...]. In initial position (#\_V) both are frequent.

.tr[
.ref[—Wells, JC. 1982. *Accents of English*. p. 411]
]

>There is a range of realizations of R, commonly post-alveolar .ipa[[ɹ]], retroflex .ipa[[ɻ]] and a tap .ipa[[ɾ]], but rarely a trill.

.tr[
.ref[.font90[—Stuart-Smith, J. 1999: "Glasgow: accent and voice quality". p. 210]]
]

>The most common realisation, found in all word positions, is the postalveolar approximant .ipa[[ɹ]]. [...] The tap articulation .ipa[[ɾ]] is commonly found in intervocalic position [...], as well as in initial consonant clusters [...] The trill realisation .ipa[[r]] is very rare.

.tr[
.ref[—Chirrey, D. 1999. "Edinburgh: descriptive material". p. 228]
]

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# Introduction: Presence of **post-vocalic** .ipa[/r/]

>Scottish English is rhotic, and most or all vowels can occur before tautosyllabic /r/.

.tr[
.ref[—Wells 1982: 407]
]

>Most Scottish speech is firmly rhotic, with /r/ retained in all positions where it occurred historically

.tr[
.ref[—Wells 1982: 410]
]

>Scottish English remains rhotic [...], although loss of post-vocalic R is reported in the speech of [working-class] Edinburgh children by Romaine (1978) and in Glaswegian by Macafee (1983: 32). R-loss is also found in the 1997 data, mainly in the speech of [working-class] children.

.tr[
.ref[—Stuart-Smith 1999: 210]
]

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# Introduction

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# Is rise in non-rhoticity local?

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## Glasgow

- Working-class
- Change from below
- Independent innovation
- Local
- Sources: Macafee (1983), Stuart-Smith (1999)

]

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## "Standard Scottish English"

- Middle-class
- Change from above
- Influence of English English
- Supra-local
- Source: Schützler (2010)

]

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# Phonological Question

.bg-washed-green.b--dark-green.ba.bw2.br3.shadow-5.ph4.mt5[
Does the variation in the presence of pre-consonantal .ipa[/r/] in Glaswegian point to .ref[**abstractions**] or phonetically rich .ref[**exemplars**] in phonological storage?
]

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## Effect of class of vowels

## ⬇️

## Abstractions

]

.pull-right[

## Word-specific effects

## ⬇️

## Exemplars

]

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# Method

- Data: HCRC Map Task Corpus .ref[(Anderson et al. 1991)]
    - Speakers from Glasgow (*N* = 29)
    - Interacting with **familiar** and **unfamiliar** participants
    - Word-level time-aligned transcriptions (HCRC 2001)
    
- Analysis: 
    - Corpus querying in Labb-CAT <img style="float:left" src="media/labb-cat2.png" /> (Fromont & Hay 2012)
    - **5,330** word tokens with pre-consonantal /r/ retrieved
    - Manual annotation based on audition:  vocalized, approximant, tap, or trill
    - <svg aria-hidden="true" role="img" viewBox="0 0 581 512" style="height:1em;width:1.13em;vertical-align:-0.125em;margin-left:auto;margin-right:auto;font-size:inherit;fill:#76232F;overflow:visible;position:relative;"><path d="M581 226.6C581 119.1 450.9 32 290.5 32S0 119.1 0 226.6C0 322.4 103.3 402 239.4 418.1V480h99.1v-61.5c24.3-2.7 47.6-7.4 69.4-13.9L448 480h112l-67.4-113.7c54.5-35.4 88.4-84.9 88.4-139.7zm-466.8 14.5c0-73.5 98.9-133 220.8-133s211.9 40.7 211.9 133c0 50.1-26.5 85-70.3 106.4-2.4-1.6-4.7-2.9-6.4-3.7-10.2-5.2-27.8-10.5-27.8-10.5s86.6-6.4 86.6-92.7-90.6-87.9-90.6-87.9h-199V361c-74.1-21.5-125.2-67.1-125.2-119.9zm225.1 38.3v-55.6c57.8 0 87.8-6.8 87.8 27.3 0 36.5-38.2 28.3-87.8 28.3zm-.9 72.5H365c10.8 0 18.9 11.7 24 19.2-16.1 1.9-33 2.8-50.6 2.9v-22.1z"/></svg> Mixed-effects Binomial Logistic Regresion Modeling with `lme4` (Bates et al. 2015) in R (R Core Team 2022)

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## Instruction giver

]

.pull-right[

## Instruction follower

]

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# Example #1: Vocalized (male, 17, Glasgow)

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# Example #2: Approximant (female, 19, Glasgow)

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# Example #3: Tap (male, 30, Glasgow)

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# Example #4: Trill (male, 18, Glasgow)

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# Results

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# Overall distribution

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# Results by rhoticity (excl. trills)

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# Individual variation

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# Margaret, 18, female :: Most  **non**-rhotic speaker

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# Janie, 18, female :: Most **rhotic** speaker

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]

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]

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# Rhoticity: familiarity by gender (empirical)

.center[

`\(\chi^2(2) = 7.775, p < 0.05\)`

]

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# Effect of .black[`vowel class`]

- Back vowels favor non-rhoticity (.ref[Dickson and Hall-Lew 2017])
  - NORTH > FORCE > START > NEAR > SQUARE >> NURSE > lettER: back > front > central

.pull-left[

vowel    |class
---------|------
.ipa[a]  | back
.ipa[ɔ]  | back
.ipa[ʉ]  | central
.ipa[ɜ]  | central
.ipa[ə]  | central
.ipa[e]  | front
.ipa[ɪ]  | front

]

.pull-right[

.fr[

`\(\chi^2(2) = 3.5951, p = 0.17\)`

]

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# Effect of .black[`(1|word)`] beyond frequency

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### `\(\chi^2(1) = 557.53, p < 0.05\)`

]

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# Conclusions

.font200[

- Rhoticity rate: around 70%
- Most common realizations: .ipa[[ɹ]] > .ipa[[ɾ]], next to no .ipa[[r]]
- `gender:familiarity` - non-rhoticity as prestige variant?
- ✅ Word-specific effects: support for exemplars
- ❌ No effect of vowel class: no support for abstractions

]

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# Thank you!

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<hr>

Photo credit: Rajmund Matuszkiewicz

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.center[.font60[

.white[This research was supported by an NCN grant no. 2017/26/D/HS2/00027]

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